It seems that Volyn governor Vladimir Bondar has every chance of staying in his seat in this difficult time for the executive branch. He will not be swept away by the second personnel wave, if only because he fiercely demonstrates his loyalty to the President.
He even left the PRP [Reforms and Order Party] so as not to betray the head of state. True, he maintained friendly relations with his former party colleagues, believing until the last that Yushchenko would manage to unite the former host.
One thing Vladimir Nalkovich already knows is that he will not miss the upcoming elections, but it is not yet clear in what capacity he will enter them and on whose field he will play. "There is no serious, systemic opposition in our region today, either to me or to the policy of the President of Ukraine"
Vladimir Nalkovich, the press mentioned that when you were appointed to the post of head of the Volyn Regional State Administration there was virtually no competition — is that really so?
There were competitors. But I will not comment on the strength or weakness of this or that competitor; I know that there were people who could worthily occupy this place and work. Since the President entrusted me with this work, I do it as best I can.
In your family, is it customary to give desired gifts or to prepare a surprise? Was this position expected for you, or was it a surprise?
The question is difficult, because I treat this position as work, not as a gift of fate. This is a responsible area of work to which the team appointed me. I agreed to this position, although I held no lesser a post in the state, because today changes need to be made — clear, concrete, and in many cases drastic. I understand that this requires a person who has no burden of the past or attachment to someone or something.
Who were your competitors?
Several names were mentioned. People's Deputy of Ukraine Borys Zahreva was undoubtedly considered; Vitaliy Zaremba, who today is my deputy, was also considered. There was also talk about the mayor of Lutsk, Anton Kryvytsky. There were several other candidates who theoretically could have laid claim to this position. I will not talk about them; at least, they did not surface or come to light.
Are these people your opponents now?
Vitaliy Mykolayovych Zaremba works as my deputy, and I am grateful to him, because he is a serious specialist in matters of the agro-industrial complex. With Borys Zahreva our relations are equal; I would say we are not opponents, but rather people who look somewhat differently at the processes taking place. Both of us have teams that can resolve certain issues. I came with my own team. I am convinced that if Borys Yukhymovych had been appointed, he would have done the same. The candidacy of People's Deputy Ihor Yeremeyev was also mentioned. But I have no big problems with any of them. Moreover, I strive to unite the efforts of all for the good of the region.
Then who today is in opposition to you?
I do not see serious opponents, since by opposing me, people oppose the authorities as a whole, the President of the country. Therefore, I think that there is no serious systemic opposition in our region today, either to me or to the policy of the President of Ukraine.
When you appointed your deputies, people were indignant because among them there are representatives of the "old authorities." In particular, your deputy Vitaliy Zaremba worked in this position in the team of former Volyn governor Borys Klymchuk, and the press mentioned the names of your subordinates who at one time worked under your predecessor Anatoliy Frantsuz. What necessitated bringing these people back?
No one worked in Frantsuz's team. That was ruled out. Zaremba worked in Klymchuk's team, and Bohdan Shyba in the position of head of a district state administration. But if you look at it that way, then I too worked in Klymchuk's team. But many people who are in power today worked in someone's teams. For example, Anatoliy Kyrylovych Kinakh, Yuriy Ivanovych Yekhanurov. You cannot have the appropriate level and status and not have experience working in government bodies. The question is not whether you worked, but how you worked. When today I have no remarks about my deputy for agrarian affairs Zaremba, then I clearly understand that his experience (I mean professional) was positive, the real situation in the state was difficult, and his position was also difficult. It is not a problem that people worked and gained experience in some team; the point is that they did not disgrace the authorities by their actions.
It is known that you did not adhere to the quota principle when conducting personnel policy in the region. Nevertheless, how did you manage to find a compromise between representatives of the region's political parties? The discussion was very heated — how did you manage to convince them that it should be exactly as you intended?
I will not say that we found a compromise right away. Many of the political parties did not like the personnel appointments that took place for quite a long time. And a compromise was found only after this team began to take positive steps. I always told my political, if not opponents, then at least people not involved in government bodies: let us criticize substantively. Some time has already passed, we have achievements, perhaps there are also shortcomings — let us criticize in that plane, and not the fact that someone does not like someone, how they dress, or whether they are old enough. As it turned out, they cannot raise serious questions about specifics, that is, there are no complaints about the team's work. And then all the questions were dropped.
As for quota or non-quota principles in appointments, if I had followed such a principle, I am convinced that we would not have been able to achieve such results, since the professional level would have been lower. If today people feel the positive in the team's work, then they will recognize all political parties, and if we fail in some area of work, it will reflect on all members of the coalition. We will not be able to shift responsibility onto a particular party; it will affect everyone, and first of all, unfortunately, the President of Ukraine, since he is responsible for everything, including what happens here in Volyn. "I am for the maximum inclusion in the bloc of forces that today support the President of Ukraine. I would like to see Viktor Pinzenyk's party there as well"
If the struggle for the Volyn governor's seat was so tough, did the leader of the PRP, whose Volyn organization you then headed, lobby your candidacy for this position? Was it precisely Viktor Mykhaylovych Pinzenyk's word that was decisive?
I think the word "lobbied" is not entirely correct. I hope that my candidacy was advocated by the party and its leader, since that is how the political process works. That is normal. I would not say that this struggle was serious; there were proposals from parties. But we went through that process normally, forgot all disagreements, and now we are working.
Do you not have conflicts with your former party colleagues after joining the People's Union "Our Ukraine"?
No, there are none. In the party "Reforms and Order" democratic discussion was always allowed; everyone could express their opinion sincerely, without hiding. I headed the regional organization of the party from the very beginning, was on friendly terms with those who remained, and those relations have not deteriorated. But we had principled views on what is happening in the state, and I said that I would adhere to the President's positions, because I represented them earlier while in opposition, went to the people with them, convinced them, and I have no right to act otherwise today, because it would be dishonest toward the President. Other people thought differently, but that is their personal opinion. We communicate with them now and no human relations have worsened.
You joined the NSNU [People's Union "Our Ukraine"], so what prevented other "PRP members" from doing the same?
I think that this process is still ahead. I believe that it is precisely the President's wisdom and his ability to unite political structures that will serve to create a large ideological association around the President of Ukraine. I have already said, and I emphasize once again: I witnessed how Viktor Andriyovych united 10 parties when everyone said it was impossible. Therefore I sincerely hope for the President, for his ability to find common denominators under which people of the same ideological views unite. I think that such a formula will be found in the near future.
Are you in favor of Viktor Andriyovych heading the electoral bloc in the elections?
That is another question. There are technologies, there is legislation, and I do not think that the President should head any lists. He is the leader of the nation that elected itself a President, that is, determined his place, and it is first today. This is the person who determines the strategic direction of the nation's development, therefore I do not believe that he should be a participant in any list of political parties. The President should be the spiritual leader, the mentor of a serious ideological association of political parties.
But then that would mean that without Viktor Andriyovych everything could fall apart like a house of cards?
That means that Viktor Andriyovych must be the cementing element, and that is indeed so. I say this not because I am now in this position; I said it before as well. It so happened that Viktor Andriyovych sees much further than most people. This was evident even from his work in parliament: when Viktor Andriyovych expressed his opinion, many disagreed with him, but in most cases over time everyone became convinced that he was right. Sometimes I even threw up my hands — how could one have foreseen at that stage how events would develop? But that is how it was. Viktor Andriyovych must unite around himself those who agreed to follow the leader, because he is more moral than anyone, sees further, understands processes more deeply, proceeding from objective factors. In fact, I sincerely believe that Viktor Andriyovych will select the format of such an association and the circle of participants.
But simply believing in Viktor Andriyovych's foresight means blindly following this man...
Obviously, there is also an element of faith, without which it is difficult for a person to do certain things. But there is also a very serious, very great logic in this. Not only I but also millions of our citizens trust Viktor Andriyovych; unlike his predecessor, he pursues a policy based on clear moral, Christian principles and a clear ideological concept of liberalism in the economy and the preservation of national traditions. I also share this ideological model; this man's vision in many cases corresponds to my vision as well, which is why I am here and not in the other camp.
Will the level of public trust be sufficient for the NSNU to get into the Verkhovna Rada in the parliamentary elections?
We will see. I would not want to guess ahead; the only thing is, I am convinced that these elections will be honest, they will be fundamentally different from previous ones in terms of organization. People will have the opportunity to express their own opinion; no one will manipulate their consciousness.
Between which parties will the main struggle unfold in the parliamentary elections in the Volyn region?
That will depend on the format of the pro-government forces, in particular whether a bloc will be created. But any association is desirable and possible for Volyn. It brings people confidence that the authorities are united. I am for the maximum inclusion in the bloc of forces that today support the President of Ukraine. I would like to see Viktor Mykhaylovych's party there as well, since it is close to me, and other our colleagues, in particular from the People's Rukh, even the UNP.
Vladimir Filenko once stated that during negotiations with the NSNU, the PRP was offered 15% on the electoral list. Do you consider this option acceptable for the PRP, or is it too little for them?
The PRP in the previous convocation of parliament had a faction of 30 deputies. It was the largest faction of "Our Ukraine." If we look at the composition of the government, the party's positions today are also quite strong. The party had leaders in the headquarters structures of many regions of Ukraine, and not one of them let it down. The party has quite serious potential and should be an honor for any association. These are professional people, for the most part decent. I sincerely hope that a reasonable compromise will be found, and we, as before, will continue to work together.
You worked in Viktor Yushchenko's election headquarters, and today you are a member of the NSNU Council. Why do you not head the regional party organization, as your fellow governors do, but entrusted this matter to your deputy?
First, the regional party organization was headed by an authoritative person. Frankly speaking, I want to do one thing so that it is professional, so I chose the governorship.
That is, if your deputy is involved in the party, he is not professionally performing his direct duties?
First, a deputy works where the chairman assigns him to be. Second, I believe that the first person should not head any party, because then a priori in the work there appears, if not a prejudiced, then an unequal attitude toward different political parties. I have made my choice regarding the party, but I am not the person responsible for this structure; I deliberately left all leadership positions and work only on resolving the issues that today face the region. If the situation changes, then I can be in a different role, if people want that.
The closer the elections are, the more often there will be reproaches addressed to you and your deputy about the use of administrative resources. What will you answer?
I will speak as it is. If administrative resources are used, then I will keep silent and lower my eyes, but if not, then we will demand concrete facts. I state clearly that we have learned to defend ourselves, and we will sue over all accusations, because today we have defined priorities: we must ensure honest elections and the free expression of the will of the people. In this context, much depends on us. They will expect things from us, they will provoke us. And we know that this will not happen! And anyone who tries to present us with accusations of things we did not do will answer according to the law. "On many issues that arise for foreign investors, we meet with them in the presence of customs heads"
Construction of three plants involving foreign investment has begun in the territory of the Volyn region. Which companies are we talking about, and what products will they produce?
Yes, construction has indeed begun. A plant for the production of side networks for automobiles of the DaimlerChrysler company is almost ready. This enterprise has 3,000 jobs; 18 million euros have been allocated for construction... We are working on the others today: for one, work is underway on allocating a land plot; for the second, a technical group is working. But the decisions have been made in principle: to build the plants here.
It is known that reconstruction at LuAZ with the allocation of additional funds is also envisaged...
Yes, this is a very serious reconstruction, one of the investment programs that is also important to us. An expansion of production is envisaged: today LuAZ produces passenger cars of various groups, but this production will be dismantled and moved to Cherkasy, and Lutsk will be fully prepared for assembling "Bohdan" buses of all modifications. This gives us the opportunity to use the available space and create an additional 2,000 jobs. This is a very serious investment of 250 million hryvnias, designed for several years. This year we plan to use 30 million.
In our country there is currently a certain distrust on the part of investors. What questions arise when they conduct negotiations with you?
I think that the process has already passed. There was a problem when talk about re-privatization began, but today there is no distrust whatsoever. Basically, questions arise regarding legislation, taxes, customs rules, to whom one can appeal when certain nuances arise. But most importantly, investors survey the people who work here and receive more comprehensive information than from us. They come to government bodies not only to ask questions but also to get acquainted, to listen to us, to hear how we see the solution to certain problems. For them this is a litmus test. If they find a common language with the authorities, they continue to work here.
The region is quite attractive in terms of building plants because the border with Europe is nearby. From which countries does the investor mainly come to you?
From various ones. As for Europe, I have already spoken with investors from Germany in most cases, Poland, Lithuania, France, Italy, Holland, Great Britain; investors from Russia are working in the region today. A very large spectrum. There are many from America. I think that we will develop good relations. You understand that not all negotiations today end with the signing of an investment program, but the fact that there is great interest gives hope that after a certain period of time they will invest their money here.
What is holding them back from doing so today?
Different investors are held back by different reasons. First, this is of course the long procedure for issuing various permits, and today, to get an elementary certificate, you have to go to very many places. In all other cases we help, but I would not want to cross boundaries and engage in manual regulation either, since there are also legislatively provided aspects.
The liquidation of the FEZ [free economic zone] has already been recognized as a mistake; among other territories of priority development, Novovolynsk was also deprived of this status. Do you think the FEZ should be returned in the form in which it existed, or should there be another form of granting benefits to enterprises?
This status should be returned, but not for everyone. We have formed three groups of enterprises for ourselves. Some were defined as those that fulfilled their investment obligations, invested funds, created new jobs, and function as enterprises, so for them the conditions under which they came here should be returned. That would be right and fair. For another group that partially fulfilled its obligations, additional conditions regarding the investment of money need to be set, deadlines regarding the creation of new jobs need to be established, but if this is fulfilled, they too should have the preferential conditions returned. There is a third group: enterprises that fulfilled nothing but simply took advantage of the preferential mechanism — their benefits should be canceled. But in communicating with the majority of investors, I saw that they do not demand any preferences or additional rules for themselves. They are satisfied with the customs and tax legislation of our state; they demand only honest and transparent rules. That is, if it is written in the law, then that is how it should be; they do not want to pay bribes or unclear additional payments. That is what we must provide them.
There are two customs offices in the territory of the region. In particular, 70% of the transit of goods passes through the Yahodyn customs, correspondingly increasing the reliability of the flow of contraband as well — just consider the scandal with the so-called "Volyn Klondike." How is the Volyn authorities fighting contraband?
A working group has been created under the government program "Contraband — Stop!", it functions, there are real consequences: cargo is detained, we carry out work on prevention and warning, and the payments that now come from customs have substantially increased. The work here is set up seriously: many programs, such as contraband of automobiles, their illegal customs clearance, which was the main part of smugglers' incomes, contraband of excisable goods, etc., are today inactive. Perhaps there are isolated cases, but this system was destroyed already during our time in power. Today we have established a clear system of countering contraband; we know the people who use it, although it is not always possible to prove their guilt. And although new schemes are being devised, it is becoming harder for them to engage in this every day.
Who heads the customs offices today, and how much do you trust them?
For example, I consider the acting head of the Yahodyn customs, Kuchmina Vitaliy Mykolayovych, a professional, a competent and decent person who stopped very many schemes after coming to this position. The duties of the head of the Volyn customs are performed by a person who is also, from my point of view, professional and competent — Honcharenko Mykhailo Ivanovych. He was appointed somewhat later, but the Volyn customs has shown that it too is capable of resolving the issues that exist today. On many issues that arise for foreign investors, we meet with them in the presence of customs heads. After all, one must find rules that would not violate the legislation of Ukraine and would maximally make transparent the border crossing by these investors — they are now bringing in equipment that will contribute to the creation of new jobs. We always find a common language. As for other illegal operations, there is a firm principled position here. "From calls for work I moved on to systemic criticism of the entire body of the Volyn region prosecutor's office"
We remember your speech at a meeting with the President, where you spoke about the now former prosecutor of the Volyn region, Andriy Hil. You very persistently sought this dismissal — so how did your confrontation with the Volyn prosecutor's office headed by Hil begin?
The confrontation began with the fact that the Volyn prosecutor's office, from my point of view, at that time treated most of the offenses that occurred in the territory of the region with unjustified leniency. This concerned, in particular, offenses during the election process that were significant for the region. I appealed to the prosecutor as a people's deputy, as a citizen, as the head of the administration, but I did not receive a clear answer to the questions posed. High-profile cases were closed; the guilty could not be found. In many cases the cases were requested by the prosecutor, then disappeared along the way. No one bore any responsibility for this. At a certain stage it became clear to me that the prosecutor was a participant in these events, so I first moved from calls for work to systemic criticism of the entire body of the Volyn region prosecutor's office. But now I see that the situation is to a certain extent being corrected; criminal cases have been opened for most of the crimes.
Why then was Hil dismissed from the post of prosecutor of the Volyn region, but, despite your serious accusations, he now calmly holds the post of prosecutor of the Zhytomyr region?
That is the business of the Prosecutor General. I cannot add anything more. Having come to the post of governor, you wanted to replace the head of the regional Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs with a local one; nevertheless, a person who worked in the Dnipropetrovsk region was appointed to this position. Were there no locals?
That was the decision of the Minister of Internal Affairs. I continue to defend the position that the Volyn militia has its own natives, but I treat the newly appointed head Viktor Vasylovych Shvydky with great respect. I see his methods of work, and from the first steps one can draw conclusions that the person came here with a sincere desire to work normally and restore order. I hope that during his time in Volyn he will become a true Volynian.
The press mentioned that the current prosecutor of Donetsk, Oleksiy Bahanets, who was the former prosecutor of the Volyn region, was involved in the appointment of the prosecutor and the head of the regional militia. Did he influence these processes?
It is difficult for me to answer this question. But I very much respect Mr. Bahanets, and if his student — the current prosecutor of Volyn, Mykola Mykhaylovych Frantovsky — is as professional and principled, I think that we will only benefit from this. And what was the Volyn prosecutor's office like under Bahanets?
In Volyn, law and the law were respected, and the prosecutor's office was indeed a body to which one could appeal. The prosecutor performed his functions to a significant extent in a principled, honest manner and was in his place. He was treated with enormous respect by those who had no problems with the law, and with enormous fear by those who did. The man restored order in the areas that were considered already hopeless. It is pleasant for me to recall those times when Oleksiy Vasylyovych was prosecutor in Volyn, and I believe that during his activity the prosecutor's office truly corresponded to the essence of its name. Unfortunately, after he left, the situation deteriorated drastically.
Regarding abuses in the tourism sector. There was a scandal in the territory of the Shatsk Lakes, where part of the protected lands was allegedly given into private ownership illegally. What actually happened there?
Yes, there was a scandal. It concerned not so much what was illegally transferred as the fact that there was illegal activity there. I do not see any particular problems with the leadership, because I believe that today both the district leadership and the leadership of the National Park are working on resolving pressing issues. I said then, and I say now: if someone has facts, I ask them to provide them to law enforcement bodies, and let them deal with this matter. And in other cases, I ask that people be given the opportunity to work. They perform their work, and today I have no complaints about them. As for the illegal functioning or use of lands granted to certain people, this speaks to the imperfection of our legislation; we see that there is a fact of violations of the use of land plots, but unfortunately no responsibility is provided for this. I think that we need to change the legislation and the regulatory framework, and if there are facts of illegal use, then those responsible must answer for them. "I will unequivocally take part in the 2006 parliamentary elections"
Do you feel more comfortable in this position, or does a desire sometimes arise to return to the Verkhovna Rada?
We always have nostalgia for some times we have lived through, and we strive to return to childhood or somewhere else, but I feel quite comfortable in this position, and today to a significant extent confident. I believe that there are very many things that we must still do in order for people's lives to improve.
Will you take part in the 2006 parliamentary elections?
Yes, I unequivocally will. In what manner and at what level of elections will depend on certain circumstances. I am an active person, I consider myself a politician, and I will not miss these elections, since the stakes in them will be quite high, and I will certainly take part in them.
If your number on the party list is a passing one, will you return to parliament or remain in the governor's position?
Everything will depend on the position of the President of Ukraine. I am a team person, and I will be where I am needed. If they consider that I will bring more benefit in this position, I will stay. If the President considers that I will be useful in another capacity, I will go there. "I very rarely confess"
At one time you transferred the family business to your wife, and today she is a co-founder of certain firms. What enterprises are these?
First, it is the firm "Erho-Volyn," which is engaged in the trade of construction materials. Then there was a negative business; we founded a firm, but the business did not take off; there are its own problems there. Your wife is a doctor — does she now work in her specialty or is she engaged in business? She takes part in the work of the enterprises in the manner determined by legislation, when meetings of founders are held where strategic directions of development are determined. Otherwise she works as a doctor; that is what she studied for.
You are a well-known football fan — do you intend to support the football team "Volyn"?
I not only intend to but I do so in various ways, even by my presence at the stadiums. I am a longtime fan, probably with 15 years of experience, and always, if there is an opportunity, I try to be present at matches and cheer for my team. Second, I have supported and will always support the development of physical culture and sports, since I believe that football gives a great deal.
Undoubtedly, I will also support financially. I believe that today the construction of the stadium is important. While still a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada, I submitted my proposals regarding the completion and reconstruction of the "Avangard" stadium, and only this year half a million hryvnias will be transferred from the state budget for these works. The sum is not large, but it makes it possible to expand our stadium, because the Volyn team could have finished the past championship in fourth position; today it occupies second or third in the championship. And when the team enters European cups — I am convinced that this will happen in the near future — we will not have the opportunity to host a Eurocup. A UEFA commission has already come to us; they looked at our stadium and set a number of requirements for it; if we do not fulfill them, then we will not be able to play in prestigious European cups. Therefore this is not only the work of coaches and football players; it is the work of the entire region and its prestige.
In this connection, your friendship with the "Volyn Akhmetov" — the president of the football club "Volyn," Vasyl Stolyar — is also mentioned. How long have you known each other?
First, I do not know to what extent Stolyar can be called the "Volyn Akhmetov," except perhaps in the context that he really is the president of the club. Second, I was asked such a question: "How do you feel about the participation of the authorities in business and about my friendship with the president of the football club Stolyar?" I believe that business and the authorities must be separated. The authorities should not have anything to do with business. I have nothing to do with business, including Stolyar's business. On the other hand, as a person I have the right to choose my own friends, colleagues, and circle of communication. No one can take this right away from me, in accordance with the Constitution and human relations. If I am comfortable communicating with a person, I will communicate with him.
I was already a people's deputy when Stolyar and I met; nevertheless, the close acquaintance occurred already after the elections, after the events that are called the Orange Revolution. As for Stolyar, there is no criminal past or high-profile scandals behind him. And I see no problems in this context; I do not think that communication with people of that sort should in any way make me look better or worse.
You said that the authorities at the local level shape the face of the state authorities. What is it like today: confused, stern...
...Human. Authorities with a human face — that is how I would describe our authorities. That is, authorities that go toward people. All that is human is inherent in these authorities: there is honesty and decency, and perhaps also shortcomings in certain cases, so "nothing human is alien to us," but I am convinced that these are authorities with a human face; they come with goodness and love their neighbor.
In one interview, regarding the abuse of official position, you said that you had already confessed before Easter — have you not sinned since then?
I very rarely confess. I do not think that what I might be ashamed of today was a great violation or a serious sin. The decision-making process itself is not simple, since there will always be offended people: you make a decision in order to satisfy 600, and 20 will be dissatisfied. And those 20 also need to be understood, to try to solve their problems in another way. I am not ashamed of the matters I have resolved, because I tried to do it for people and according to conscience.
Does the fact that you are a young governor somehow affect the attitude toward you on the part of the top leadership or your colleagues?
I do not think so.