Events related to the "gas" scandal and the resulting resignation of the Yekhanurov government, the prospects of the oil market in Ukraine, the first million earned and relations with family — in an exclusive interview with the Western Information Corporation by the leader of the parliamentary faction of the People's Party of Ukraine, Ihor Yeremeyev.
— Ihor Myronovych, first of all, about what is being talked about most today: the events related to the "gas" scandal and the resignation of the Yekhanurov government caused by it...
— The conflict that arose around the supply of Russian gas is in fact a matter of preserving Ukraine's economic independence. If in this conflict Ukraine had defended the agreement signed in 2002, it would have actually defended its economic independence. We would have had at least 5 years to switch to energy-saving technologies. The agreement signed on January 4 raises many questions. All the gas consumed by Ukraine has been transferred to a dubious offshore commercial structure. In other words, the energy security of the state has become dependent on a single commercial structure. And the authorities call this a victory of the government?
The most frightening thing is that this commercial structure received a monopoly on the supply of energy carriers to Ukraine. In six months, the monopolist may start raising prices for individual enterprises of the metallurgical and chemical industries. As a result, these enterprises will become loss-making, and we will get a repeat privatization — to a dubious offshore commercial structure of entire industries. The entire state will become a hostage.
The details of this agreement, which is disastrous for Ukraine, are not yet known to us. They are not known even to parliamentarians. Because the prime minister did not give a clear answer to any of the sharp questions that were voiced within the walls of the Verkhovna Rada. And the ministers, on whom in those days the economic future of the country depended, allowed themselves to leave for Kazakhstan...
— There are rumors that your faction was preparing a "trip-up" for Prime Minister Yekhanurov in advance...
— The reaction of the parliamentarians was natural. I will say frankly: in the morning the question of the government's resignation was not on the agenda. It arose because the deputies did not receive answers to their questions. The unprofessionalism of the government officials made itself felt. Perhaps my fellow countrymen will not like this, but I will say frankly: I believe that the President himself is to blame for this. A year ago, when the decision on Yushchenko's inauguration was being made, Volodymyr Lytvyn stated: the main task of the new President is a balanced and moderate personnel policy. The oil, sugar, grain, political, and gas crises — all these are consequences of short-sighted personnel policy. The people entrusted with key positions in the state do not know how to work constructively...
— The President stated that the parliament, by voting for the government's resignation, destabilized the situation in the country...
— If anyone is destabilizing the situation, it is the pro-government forces. No one has hysteria over the government's resignation except "Our Ukraine." And all because Yekhanurov is number one on its list for the elections to the Verkhovna Rada. When the President asked the parliament 4 months ago to vote for Yekhanurov, he assured that this prime minister would not be a politician, he would work for the growth of the state's economy. Two months later, the prime minister becomes No. 1 on the NSNU list. The hysteria of NSNU is connected only with the fact that he became acting...
— When Russia cut off the gas, how should Ukraine have behaved?
— Russia has a gas extraction well, but gas cannot be stored in a barrel or released into the air. Gas storage facilities are located on the territory of Ukraine, so we would have received it. That's first. Second, the government should have filed a lawsuit with the Stockholm court. Why didn't it do so?
— Because, according to government officials, the case could be considered in court for years, and gas is needed today.
— I am convinced: if the President and the prime minister had addressed the people and explained that Russia is pressuring us, wants us to sign an economically disadvantageous agreement, that it will be difficult for us, but if we hold out, we will defend our economic independence — tell me, would you not have understood such a situation? This did not happen. We were all effectively betrayed. And I do not rule out that it was for the sake of some interests of their own, about which we do not yet know.
— You predicted that the authorities would do everything so that the price of gas for the population would not increase at least until the elections.
— I did not think that the government was so short-sighted. On October 20, the Lytvyn People's Bloc initiated the adoption of a resolution that imposed a moratorium on raising prices for energy carriers. Until January 1, it had a recommendatory nature for the government, and at the end of December Yekhanurov signed a resolution according to which the price of gas and electricity increased by 25 percent. On the same day when the decision on the government's resignation was adopted, we voted for a resolution banning the increase in energy prices. Thus, we obliged the government to heed the opinion of the people.
— Does the Verkhovna Rada have constructive proposals for getting out of the situation that has arisen?
— The Lytvyn People's Bloc believes that, first of all, it is necessary to end the hysteria and sit down at the negotiating table. No one forbids the President to submit a candidacy for prime minister. I do not rule out that it could again be Yekhanurov. But alongside him there are unprofessional ministers, whom, by the way, the President, when he dismissed the previous government, for some reason did not remove. He must do this.
— What consequences will the fact that Yushchenko and Yekhanurov withdrew their signatures from the memorandum with the opposition have?
— Advocating the thesis about the need to sign a declaration of unity for the sake of the future, Volodymyr Lytvyn demanded that all political forces sit down at the negotiating table. By signing the memorandum, we declared that there would be no political persecutions, no division into outsiders and insiders. What did those who advised the President to withdraw his signature have in mind? That political persecutions and repressions will now begin?
— At one of the press conferences you stated that in January-February one should not expect jumps in the price of petroleum products. Gasoline is rising in price again...
— Because we are an import-dependent state. If we had our own refining, the price would be stable, because it traditionally does not change during this period of time. And if it does change, then the responsibility for this falls on the government. Our faction has prepared a draft law that would guarantee that there will be no sharp jump in prices for petroleum products in the spring. But it has been voted only in the first reading and, accordingly, is not in effect. If it does not come into effect, an increase in prices for petroleum products in the spring will not be avoidable. Probably, we will again be deceived that this is some kind of conspiracy or Russian blackmail. In reality, it is the short-sightedness of our officials. I am telling you this as a person who has thoroughly studied the conjuncture of the oil market, because before being elected to parliament I worked in this market...
— The fact that you have a direct connection to the modernization of the "Halychyna" refinery and the development of the WOG gas station network is no secret to anyone. And how, tell me, did you earn your first million?
— You probably mean not the first million, but the first decent funds? My friends and business partners and I earned them when in 1993 we delivered a trainload of A-76 grade gasoline to Lutsk from abroad. At that time we were helped by the experienced and authoritative business manager Volodymyr Mikulich. We were still quite young then, but we already had some experience and funds, which we actually risked at that time. Although what serious business is without risk?
In principle, we earned the first solid funds not even on this contract, but a few days later. That was the period when currency could be bought only twice a week — on Tuesday and Thursday. And when on Tuesday we sold this petroleum product and did not manage to send these funds for conversion to the central bank, then already on Thursday, due to inflation, there was half as much of them. And another of our partners, who acted as a guarantor that the Ukrainian side would settle with the Lithuanian one, came and reported that he lacked funds for the settlement. And he asked us to give him our profit for this. And we did make a very difficult decision to give him this "first million" of ours.
Our risk paid off. The partner settled with Vilnius, and after this trainload came another, then another... And if we had not done this then, had not settled on time, as often happened then, there would have been no second trainload. It seems to me that this was precisely the key moment of subsequent successful business. Because the main thing is not money, but trust and authority. Since those times I have had this as a "golden rule": I always do everything on time. And although I am not engaged in commercial activity now, this authority among business circles has remained with me.
— Why did you, being the head of the NPU faction, agree to go into the elections only as number 7 on the bloc's list, and not, say, in the top five?
— Because I consider myself a relatively young politician. And I am convinced that the future is ours. Everyone who respects themselves and others must have the strength, will, balance and moderation to give the opportunity to fully realize themselves to those people who are worthy of being ahead of me. It seems to me that I assess myself in politics absolutely adequately. And I do not have those ambitions that are characteristic of many of our "eternal," "bearded" politicians.
— At one time, as a student of the Rivne Institute of Water Management Engineers, you risked running in the same district as the current governor of Rivne region, Vasyl Chervoniy. You lost to him by not much at all. Would you risk "crossing swords" in the same district now?
— I would go, and I am sure that this time I would take revenge. Because I believe that there are more constructive people, to whom I count myself, in society than destructive ones. I am convinced that the Ukrainian mentality is the mentality of moderate and balanced people, thinking people who want to build something, not destroy it. Look: in Western Ukraine we have nice, wonderful little houses, because we love to cultivate our vegetable gardens and keep a household. We are, by our very nature, constructive people. Instead, Vasyl Chervoniy, in my view, is an absolutely destructive person. I told him this 12 years ago, when he was a candidate for deputy and I was a student. I am ready to say it to him today as well, when his pink dream has come true — he has become governor.
And what do we have as a result after a year in Rivne region? New jobs? New hospitals and schools? In schools he began to establish order in his own way — he began to dismiss school principals and institute rectors, and instead appoint members of the UNP. Is he some kind of monarch or feudal lord of the Rivne region? Or is this region today supposed to be "built up" specifically under his party?
— Is your family large and how often do you manage to see them?
— I have an older blood brother Yevhen, thank God, my parents are alive. We try to communicate as much as possible. At least once every two weeks I necessarilygo to the village of Ostrozhets to my parents. Because I understand that at this age every moment of communication with their children is pleasant and dear to them. In this regard, the leader of the People's Party, Volodymyr Lytvyn, is a great authority for me, because it practically never happens that he does not visit his parents in Zhytomyr region. It was he who gave me a very clear awareness of how, at the age when parents are 70-80 years old, we should treat them. Previously it always seemed to me that the main thing was work, and everything else — later. But time, it flows, and at any moment it may simply turn out to be too late...
— Does your family live with you in Kyiv?
— The family remains in Lutsk. My wife works at the regional clinical hospital, she likes her job and does not want to change it. My son studies at one of the Lutsk gymnasiums, so we see each other only on weekends. Sometimes they come to me. For example, on Thursday my wife comes to Kyiv, and on Friday we go together to our home in Lutsk.
I will say frankly: many of my colleague deputies do not understand such behavior of mine. But I am convinced: as soon as the family moves to Kyiv, it will be difficult for me to come here, to Volyn. And I do not want to be a standard deputy. A standard deputy is when he received a mandate, then an apartment in Kyiv — and stayed there to live. Not much intelligence is needed for this. It is far more important to have the will to live on your native land, to work where you can bring more benefit to people and the state, but at the same time always return to the land on which you were born and which you have loved since childhood...
ZIK reference.
Yeremeyev Ihor Myronovych — People's Deputy of Ukraine, deputy head of the People's Party, head of the People's Party faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, member of the Committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on issues of the fuel and energy complex, nuclear policy and nuclear safety.
Born on April 3, 1968 in the village of Ostrozhets, Mlyniv district, Rivne region.
Higher education — in 1992 he graduated from the Ukrainian Institute of Water Management Engineers (Rivne) with a specialty in "industrial and civil construction."
1982-1986 — general laborer of the "Zapovit Illicha" collective farm of Mlyniv district, Rivne region.
1986-1988 — service in the Armed Forces of the Soviet Union.
1986-1992 — student of the Ukrainian Institute of Water Management Engineers.
1989 — laboratory assistant of the Ukrainian Institute of Water Management Engineers.
1992-95 — director of the small private enterprise "Kontynium," village of Ostrozhets, Mlyniv district, Rivne region.
1995-2002 — general director of LLC "Kontynium," Lutsk.
In the elections of March 31, 2002, he was elected People's Deputy of Ukraine in the Manevychi electoral district No. 23 of Volyn region.
Oleksandr Pyrozhyk, Western Information Corporation