The press conference of Zinchenko was indeed scandalous. Why the former state secretary submitted a resignation letter was the main mystery of the past weekend. People said that he "didn't get along" with Yushchenko's entourage, that he didn't like the atmosphere, that Zinchenko himself had achieved nothing in his position and that this was the only possible decision for him. Yushchenko's motivation, who that same day, without much deliberation, dismissed his former chief of staff, hints that the president also didn't particularly like how Zinchenko handled his work.
However, Zinchenko's statement almost word-for-word repeated the scandalous broadcast of former Tymoshenko aide Mykhailo Brodsky. He speaks of corruption in Yushchenko's entourage. He names Poroshenko, Tretyakov and Martynenko and demands their dismissal. Like Brodsky, he provides no facts of corruption, only hints at participation in the redistribution of property in the media and during re-privatization.
Judging by his own statement, he told Yushchenko everything he knows. But the latter accepted his resignation. This indicates one thing – either Yushchenko doesn't believe Zinchenko, or he agrees to an open corruption scandal in his government.
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Former chief of staff Oleksandr Zinchenko accuses NSDC Secretary Petro Poroshenko, first aide Oleksandr Tretyakov and leader of the parliamentary faction "Our Ukraine" Mykola Martynenko of corruption.
"NSDC Secretary Poroshenko, first presidential aide Tretyakov, several of their aides, in particular Martynenko – are cynically implementing their plan to use power for their own purposes," he said.
He accused them of intentions to appropriate media outlets, "schemes of forceful pressure."
"First presidential aide Tretyakov reproduces to a micron the system of his predecessor in Kuchma's administration Lyovochkin, having joined the supervisory boards of Oschadbank, Ukrtelecom, publishing, controlling processes in the oil and gas spheres. It was through his efforts that deputy head of NAK Naftogaz Mr. Voronov, who organized gas schemes under the Kuchma regime, was reinstated," Zinchenko stated.
"Today Tretyakov is actively working in the field of redistributing spheres of influence in the mass media. It was he who cut the president off from an adequate flow of information, letting through the right people. This is not hard to do by appropriately organizing, or rather disorganizing, the president's work schedule and access to him. Those who have their own opinion and vision, a lively and unconventional one, wait 3-5 months for the will of the first aide," Zinchenko continued.
According to him, there is no other way to get to the president, even for those who "worked for the common victory of the revolution no less than Tretyakov or Poroshenko."
"Poroshenko, Tretyakov and company, referring to the president, appoint their own people everywhere possible, deliberately pressure the independent judicial branch of power, feel at ease in privatization processes," the former state secretary stated.
"It would seem that this is precisely why the Maidan's demand should work in the highest echelon of power – the separation of business from power. This applies to you specifically, Petro Oleksiyovych," Zinchenko addressed NSDC Secretary Poroshenko, who also arrived at the press conference.
In reality, they don't simply neglect this, they have grasped "power is ours – it must work for us."
"It seems that a copying of the shortcomings of the Kuchma system is taking place, even a party is being created not as a political organization but as a business club, as a decoration of administrative resource," he noted.
"It would seem, if it's such a small group, then why are the systemic achievements of the revolution under threat? The answer is simple – the carriers of the threat have enormous opportunities to influence state processes... they have monopolized influence over the president," he noted.
He also reported that he had repeatedly sought from the president to "stop Poroshenko." "At recent meetings, the removal of Poroshenko and his team from their positions became a key condition for the possibility of my further work in the president's team," he noted.
Zinchenko also noted that he had not spoken about this before because he "tried as much as possible to achieve team unity." He emphasized that he considers the secretariat to be one of the main factors of team unity.
He also thanked Yushchenko for the "extremely bright" and lengthy period of cooperation, for the trust to head his apparatus, for his patience.
"But everyone has a choice – one can reconcile and go with the flow. Everything will fall into place and one can work peacefully. Calmly and in harmony. But I cannot and do not want to tolerate this outrage against the law, and I made my choice on the Maidan," he noted.
He emphasized that this was not about the structure of the apparatus or additional powers. "With my resignation I am trying to make it understood as sharply as possible and now publicly, first of all to the president himself and to the entire ruling team, the extreme danger of the situation. And to warn those who believe that lawlessness was, is and will be – you are deeply mistaken. I am not bargaining for dividends, little factories or special conditions, but immediate action must be taken. First of all, to fulfill the commitment that we took upon ourselves on the Maidan, the commitment that the president took upon himself in Sorochyntsi on August 24 – to decisively renew the personnel," he noted.
He also expressed a list of proposals, upon fulfillment of which he is ready to work in the president's team. He proposed returning constitutional meaning to the activities of all bodies of power. "The architecture must be clear and understandable. Both for citizens and for all civil servants," he noted.
He also proposed that the NSDC return "to collective work," that is, to "the normal procedure for developing and preparing state decisions." He emphasized that the apparatus should be "exclusively an auxiliary link."
Zinchenko also demands the dismissal of NSDC Secretary Poroshenko from his post, as well as the creation of a presidential council of the most influential representatives of society – as a platform for public discussion of the most important problems of the country today. He emphasized that such a council would not be a replacement for the NSDC. He emphasized that in order to return public control over institutions, "it is necessary to maximally use the capability of the relevant institutions."
He also reported that he had repeatedly sought from the president to "stop Poroshenko." "At recent meetings, the removal of Poroshenko and his team from their positions became a key condition for the possibility of my further work in the president's team," he noted.
Zinchenko also noted that he had not spoken about this before because he "tried as much as possible to achieve team unity." He emphasized that he considers the secretariat to be one of the main factors of team unity.
He also thanked Yushchenko for the "extremely bright" and lengthy period of cooperation, for the trust to head his apparatus, for his patience.
"But everyone has a choice – one can reconcile and go with the flow. Everything will fall into place and one can work peacefully. Calmly and in harmony. But I cannot and do not want to tolerate this outrage against the law, and I made my choice on the Maidan," he noted.
He emphasized that this was not about the structure of the apparatus or additional powers. "With my resignation I am trying to make it understood as sharply as possible and now publicly, first of all to the president himself and to the entire ruling team, the extreme danger of the situation. And to warn those who believe that lawlessness was, is and will be – you are deeply mistaken. I am not bargaining for dividends, little factories or special conditions, but immediate action must be taken. First of all, to fulfill the commitment that we took upon ourselves on the Maidan, the commitment that the president took upon himself in Sorochyntsi on August 24 – to decisively renew the personnel," he noted.
He expressed a list of proposals, upon fulfillment of which he is ready to work in the president's team. He proposed returning constitutional meaning to the activities of all bodies of power. "The architecture must be clear and understandable. Both for citizens and for all civil servants," he noted.
He also proposed that the NSDC return "to collective work," that is, to "the normal procedure for developing and preparing state decisions." He emphasized that the apparatus should be "exclusively an auxiliary link."
Zinchenko also demands the dismissal of NSDC Secretary Poroshenko from his post, as well as the creation of a presidential council of the most influential representatives of society – as a platform for public discussion of the most important problems of the country today. He emphasized that such a council would not be a replacement for the NSDC. He emphasized that in order to return public control over institutions, "it is necessary to maximally use the capability of the relevant institutions."
Zinchenko answered journalists' questions, and his place in the Interfax hall was taken by Petro Poroshenko.
"Friends, today is probably the hardest day – I am extremely disappointed by such behavior of Zinchenko, and I bear responsibility for this. Since during the election campaign I came to him and invited him to strengthen Yushchenko's team. I convinced [people] that this is a person who has a team spirit, who will be able to prove that the interests of the Maidan are our task," Petro Poroshenko began his statement before journalists.
"I am still a civil servant, so I cannot comment as a politician on Zinchenko's act. I can explain it by overwork, emotional overload," said Poroshenko, adding that Zinchenko, when reading his text, "never once managed to look" him in the eyes.
"I emphasize that Zinchenko as state secretary had the full scope of power to prove and bring to responsibility all those he spoke about," Poroshenko stated.