As strange as it may seem, the draft law "On Elections of People's Deputies of Ukraine," adopted on March 5 in the first reading, which establishes a proportional electoral system that is traditionally considered one of the key demands of the opposition regarding political reform, is aimed at preserving the country's political elite. \n \nIt is now quite obvious, and the recent by-elections to parliament in one of the Donetsk districts clearly demonstrated this: if today brothers, children, and other relatives of current high-ranking officials and political figures are entering the Verkhovna Rada, then in a few years we will have a situation where, conditionally, 70 percent of deputies will remain in parliament for 2-3 or more consecutive terms. This is no longer even Asian monarchism, but a kind of "family contract" from the authorities. \n \nThe draft law on the election of people's deputies, which is currently being considered by the parliamentary Havrysh-Moroz Commission as the main one, naturally does not resolve the aforementioned problem in any way. \n \nIn order to renew the political elite, it is necessary to introduce a system of open electoral lists, where voters have the ability to influence the order of candidates on them, as well as to strengthen intra-party democracy. What does this mean? \n \nFirst of all, it is the need to give voters the right to additionally support 2-3 candidates from any part of the list. Thus, as they say, those who were last can become first, if, of course, they enjoy popular support. \n\nIn addition, it is necessary to provide for the mandatory nature of a secret ballot procedure for pre-election lists at party congresses and conferences, and to legislatively establish a 20-percent minimum quota for women's participation on the list and a guaranteed half of the seats for representatives of the regions. \n\nThis will allow not only to make the political process more democratic, but will also make it possible to avoid a number of dangers that both the majority and the opposition speak about today, namely: the authorization of the party system, the "usurpation" of winnable places on party lists by capital-based politicians, and so on. \n\nAnd finally, one more, perhaps key, position: for the sake of renewing the political elite, ensuring the progressive development of Ukraine, movement forward, it would be expedient to establish a two-term limit on the length of time spent in a deputy's seat — just as is the case with the president and other officials. \n\nThat is, a people's deputy should work in parliament for no more than two consecutive terms. This is a difficult step for the political beau monde. But, it seems, we have no other way to change the ruling generations in an evolutionary rather than revolutionary manner. \n\nAll the aforementioned proposals to the draft law on the election of people's deputies, as a people's deputy of Ukraine, I intend in the near future to propose to the Temporary Special Commission on the elaboration of draft laws on amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine, and I hope that people's deputies who are interested in the development of intra-party and representative democracy will support them in the second reading. \n\nBecause today the entire discussion regarding electoral issues is, in fact, reduced to the question of the level of the electoral threshold. This is, of course, an important but not a decisive topic. The key, in my view, is how electoral lists are formed. This is exactly what should be the subject of discussion today. Of course, if we want to "de-conserve" the existing system of power, renew politics, and change something in this state. \n