Volodymyr Lytvyn's example shows that the job of Verkhovna Rada chairman has a re-educational effect. The speaker, who came to this post from the chair of the presidential administration chief, transformed from a defender of the regime into its blocker. Would Medvedchuk have gone down such a path if he had repeated Lytvyn's fate? Most likely not. But Lytvyn does not want to know the answer to this question.   It seems Lytvyn takes seriously the scenario that after the political reform Medvedchuk could be dismissed from the AP [Presidential Administration], then he will get elected to parliament in Kivalov's majoritarian district and will start his carousel of intrigues right within the walls of the Verkhovna Rada. The ultimate goal of which will be the restoration of historical justice — the removal of Lytvyn and the election of himself to his place. After all, in May 2002 it was Medvedchuk who did the most for Lytvyn's victory in the speakership race.   Lytvyn, who has no political group of his own in the session hall, could become an easy victim. Therefore he is consistently building a defense system. Not only against possible encroachments by Medvedchuk, but also by any forces that after the 2004 elections will want to install their own chairman of the Verkhovna Rada.   Lytvyn tried to become a neutral speaker, although after the "cloven-hoofed voting" of December 24 the opposition did not believe in the genuineness of his metamorphoses. Now again Lytvyn's rating is growing in the eyes of "Our Ukraine" and BYuT. Lytvyn, speaking out against a purely proportional election law, is choosing such a scheme of parliamentary work that, in the end, blocks the political reform.   This Wednesday Lytvyn took another step toward self-preservation. Having defeated the Bolsheviks' resolution according to which March 24 and 26 were to become voting days, he put another resolution to a vote — which unexpectedly gathered 392 votes.   At the same time Lytvyn read out a number of articles of the rules of procedure that the changes concerned. Everyone saw in that resolution a return to certain norms that were in effect before the velvet revolution of 2000. In particular, that deputies would vote immediately after discussion of the issues.   In fact, among these points Lytvyn pushed through a decision that should ensure his peace of mind. Lytvyn restored the old procedure for dismissing and appointing the speaker. From now on it is impossible to remove the chairman of the Verkhovna Rada simply by voting on this issue with 226 votes in the hall.   Lytvyn's dismissal, if his enemies were to initiate it now, would require going through almost unreal procedures. It would have to be a vote by ballots. And although 226 votes would be enough for the speaker's dismissal — but the voting results would be considered valid only if 300 deputies took the ballots.   That is, for the hypothetical removal of Lytvyn, maybe 226 deputies could be found. But 300 elected officials would have to want to dismiss the speaker. Because in such cases opponents of the decisions simply do not take a ballot. If there are 151 deputies who do not take a ballot — then the vote on the speaker's dismissal is annulled.   And for his own benefit Lytvyn will always find such a number of deputies. If the majority currently consists of 234 deputies, then even with 100-percent turnout for a hypothetical dismissal of the speaker, its initiators would need the votes of at least two more factions.   That is, the scenario is implausible. That is why Tkachenko could be removed from the post of Verkhovna Rada chairman only after this norm of the rules of procedure was changed in the "Ukrainian House."   When on Wednesday the Bolsheviks voted in chorus for the return of this norm, they did not even understand what they were doing. Since Lytvyn read out in a rapid patter the articles of the rules of procedure to which changes are being made. At the same time, in the text of the resolution draft itself there were no articles concerning the procedure for dismissing the speaker.   Understanding how he had outwitted everyone, Lytvyn after the vote addressed the hall: "I say for the transcript: in view of this decision of the Verkhovna Rada, to instruct the Committee on Rules of Procedure with the participation of the Main Legal Department to carry out the technical-legal elaboration of the corresponding resolution of the Verkhovna Rada."   The Bolsheviks, who on Thursday figured out what had happened, praised the speaker's dexterity. But they immediately noted that Lytvyn still has something to fear — because changes to the rules of procedure can likewise be introduced by a simple vote of 226 deputies.   In parallel with this Lytvyn is trying to solve another problem — to create his own faction in the Verkhovna Rada. On Thursday four deputies left "People's Power." Last week, three more left "Democratic Initiatives." That is already half a faction.   There is no doubt that Lytvyn will be able to cover the deficit of seven deputies. Perhaps this deputy group will be called the "association of majoritarians," which the marginal deputy Nechyporuk announced on Thursday. By the way, he is another candidate for switching from "People's Power" to the new faction.   In the event that Lytvyn's new group (he, of course, cannot head it, because by status the speaker is non-factional) consists only of Bolsheviks, then this association will generally receive a golden share in the PUC (parliamentary-government coalition).   After all, the majority includes only 234 deputies. And if we imagine that Lytvyn does create a faction close to himself, then his 14 fighters will be able to block decisions within the PUC. If they speak against, then the Bolsheviks simply will not have enough of their own votes to adopt decisions.